Noticias

Reseña: Volumen 48 - Mundo medieval

Reseña: Volumen 48 - Mundo medieval

En 1917 nació una organización notable. Su breve fue enormemente ambicioso: conmemorar a los 1.100.000 hombres del Imperio Británico que perdieron la vida en la Primera Guerra Mundial. La Comisión Imperial War Graves fue la creación de un hombre, Sir Fabian Ware, cuya energía y determinación reunieron a algunos de los más grandes diseñadores y arquitectos de principios del siglo XX. Este libro analiza la historia de las tumbas de guerra para hombres y mujeres británicos y militares de la Commonwealth, y examina cómo la memoria moderna ha sido moldeada por el trabajo de Ware y sus contemporáneos después de la Primera Guerra Mundial.

A las 03.10 horas del 7 de junio de 1917, la penumbra antes del amanecer en el frente occidental fue destrozada por los 'pilares de fuego': la rápida detonación de 19 enormes minas, secretadas en túneles bajo las líneas alemanas y que contenían 450 toneladas de explosivos. Admitido por los alemanes como un "golpe maestro", las devastadoras explosiones provocaron que 10.000 soldados fueran puestos más tarde simplemente como "desaparecidos". Lanzando un ataque planificado previamente a la carnicería, apoyado por tanques y un devastador bombardeo de artillería, los británicos tomaron el objetivo estratégico de Messines Ridge en cuestión de horas. Un raro ejemplo de innovación y éxito en la Primera Guerra Mundial, este libro es un examen nuevo y oportuno de una campaña fascinante.


A Child & # 039s Geography Vol. 4: Explora los reinos medievales

Imagínese seguir los pasos de grandes líderes e influencers del mundo medieval. Carlomagno, Fernando e Isabel, Juana de Arco, Johannes Gutenberg, Martín Lutero. Lea sus tiendas y viva la aventura de enviar exploradores a mares inexplorados, la emoción de inventar la imprenta y la ansiedad de iniciar una tormenta religiosa. Mientras exploramos los Reinos Medievales, usted y su familia se deleitarán con paisajes impresionantes, maravillas ocultas y gente hermosa, todo creado a la imagen de Dios.


Contenido

El trabajo fue planeado por John Bagnell Bury, Profesor Regius de Historia Moderna en la Universidad de Cambridge, siguiendo las líneas desarrolladas por su predecesor, Lord Acton, para La historia moderna de Cambridge. Los primeros editores nombrados fueron Henry Melvill Gwatkin, Mary Bateson y G.T. Lapsley. James Pounder Whitney reemplazó a Mary Bateson después de su muerte en 1906. Cuando G.T. Lapsley se retiró por mala salud, su lugar no se llenó por lo que los editores de los dos primeros volúmenes fueron Gwatkin y Whitney. [1]

En el prefacio del primer volumen, los editores expresaron el deseo de que el trabajo fuera una lectura interesante para el usuario general, así como "un resumen de los hechos comprobados, con indicaciones (no discusiones) de los puntos en disputa". Afirmaron que "no hay nada en el idioma inglés que se parezca al presente trabajo" y escribieron, con optimismo, que "esperaban publicar dos volúmenes al año en sucesión regular". [1] De hecho, el volumen final no se publicó hasta 1936.

La historia pretendía abarcar toda la historia medieval europea, por lo que los editores se vieron obligados a utilizar una amplia gama de colaboradores para tratar adecuadamente el tema. En particular en relación con el volumen 2 (El ascenso de los sarracenos y la fundación del Imperio Occidental) los editores se quejaron de que "los estudiantes de historia en este país [Inglaterra] rara vez prestan atención a alguna parte de él" y, por lo tanto, "muy poco se ha escrito en inglés, [sobre temas] como los visigodos en España, la organización de la Italia imperial y África, las invasiones sarracenas de Sicilia e Italia, y la historia temprana y la expansión de los eslavos ". [2]

Los volúmenes uno y dos se publicaron en 1911 y 1913, cumpliendo con la expectativa de los editores de que el trabajo se movería a través de sus volúmenes a un ritmo rápido.

El tercer volumen, sin embargo, se retrasó hasta 1922 por la Primera Guerra Mundial, que dificultó la colaboración internacional, y después de que los académicos alemanes fueran reemplazados por británicos debido a las preocupaciones sobre cómo se recibiría el volumen en Gran Bretaña. Algunos quedaron impagos porque no habían firmado ningún contrato. Se organizó una colección para el gran latinista alemán Max Manitius que recaudó £ 10 después de que escribió que la guerra lo había dejado en la pobreza. Los contribuyentes de los volúmenes cuatro y seis se vieron afectados de manera similar. [3] Escribiendo en el prefacio del volumen II de La nueva historia medieval de Cambridge En 1995, Rosamond McKitterick comentó sobre el "infeliz legado del viejo volumen III cuando los principios de la erudición fueron manchados con enemistades políticas y muchos académicos fueron excluidos como autores debido a su nacionalidad", un defecto que ella sintió fue borrado en la nueva historia. [4]

Los editores del volumen tres fueron Gwatkin, Whitney, Joseph Robson Tanner y Charles William Previté-Orton. El volumen fue criticado en revisión por la duplicación en su cobertura de eventos y definiciones, y por no hacer referencias cruzadas de material, [5] pero los comentaristas posteriores vieron esto como la consecuencia inevitable de la estructura del trabajo como una colección de ensayos académicos elaborados de una serie de colaboradores internacionales durante 25 años, interrumpidos por la guerra y los cambios de editor, en lugar de una síntesis orgánica preparada por un pequeño grupo en un período corto de tiempo. [6]

Los volúmenes cuatro a siete (1923-32) fueron editados por Tanner, Previté-Orton y Zachary Nugent Brooke (1883-1946) después de que Brooke reemplazara a Whitney en su retiro. Después de la muerte de Tanner en 1931, Previté-Orton y Brooke completaron el volumen ocho (1936).

En 1966 y 1967, se publicó una nueva edición del volumen cuatro en dos partes editado por Joan Hussey que incorporó desarrollos en el campo de los estudios bizantinos en los cuarenta años desde que se publicó el original. [7]


Evaluaciones de March / Mars

Laurence Marie, Inventer l’acteur: Émotions et spectacle dans l’Europe des Lumières. París: Sorbonne Université Press, 2019. 477 págs. Figuras, notas, bibliografía e índice. 26,00 € (pb). ISBN 9791023105551.

Reseña de Lauren R. Clay, Vanderbilt University.
Revisión de H-France Vol. 21 (marzo de 2021), No. 22.

Davide Panagia, Sentimientos de Rancière. Durham, Carolina del Norte: Duke University Press, 2018. 142 págs. Notas, bibliografía e índice. $ 89.95 EE. UU. (Hb). ISBN 9-78-0822370130 $ 23,95 EE. UU. (Pb). ISBN 9-78-0822370222.

Reseña de David F. Bell, emérito, Duke University.
Revisión de H-France Vol. 21 (marzo de 2021), No. 23.

Linda Goddard, Savage Tales: Los escritos de Paul Gauguin. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2019.208 págs. 74 color y 1 b & ampw ilustración, bibliografía, índice, apéndice. $ 40.00 dólares estadounidenses (hb). ISBN 9-78-0300240597.

Reseña de Dario Gamboni, profesor emérito, Université de Genève.
Revisión de H-France Vol. 21 (marzo de 2021), No. 24.

François Zanetti, L'Electricité médicale dans la France des Lumières. Oxford: Fundación Voltaire, 2017. xvii + 265pp. £ 70.00 Reino Unido (pb). ISBN 978-0-7294-1197-4.

Reseña de Kieran M. Murphy, Universidad de Colorado-Boulder.
Revisión de H-France Vol. 21 (marzo de 2021), No. 25.

Dan Edelstein, Sobre el espíritu de los derechos. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2018. 326 págs. Notas, bibliografía seleccionada e índice. $ 40.00 dólares estadounidenses (hb). ISBN 9780226588988 $ 29,99 EE. UU. (Pb). ISBN 978-0226794303.

Reseña de Andrew Pendakis, Universidad de Brock.
Revisión de H-France Vol. 21 (marzo de 2021), No. 26.

Noémie Étienne, La restauración de la pintura en París, 1750-1815: práctica, discurso, materialidad, traducido por Sharon Grevet con prólogo de Timothy P. Whalen y Mauro Natale y epílogo de Dominique Poulot. Los Ángeles: The Getty Conservation Institute, 2017. xiv + 302 pp. Ilustraciones, notas, diccionario biográfico de restauradores, bibliografía e índice. $ 69.95 EE. UU. (Pb). ISBN 978-1-60606-516-7.

Reseña de David O’Brien, Universidad de Illinois.
Revisión de H-France Vol. 21 (marzo de 2021), No. 27.

Charlotte Guichard, La griffe du peintre: la valeur de l’art (1730-1820). París: Éditions du Seuil, 2018. 355 págs. Figuras, notas, índice de temas e índice de nombres. 31,00 € (pb). ISBN 978-2-02-140231-5.

Reseña de Paula Radisich, Whittier College.
Revisión de H-France Vol. 21 (marzo de 2021), No. 28.

J. Arnold, Debate musical y cultura política en Francia, 1700-1830. Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2017. vi + 232 págs. Ilustraciones, tablas, notas, bibliografía e índice. $ 99.00 dólares estadounidenses (hb). ISBN 9781783272013.

Reseña de Julia Simon, Universidad de California, Davis.
Revisión de H-France Vol. 21 (marzo de 2021), No. 29.

Hubert Bonin, Histoire de la Société générale, tomo II, 1890-1914: Une grande banque française. Ginebra: Droz, 2019. 1121 págs. Notas, ilustraciones, tablas, bibliografía e índice. 109,00 € (pb). ISBN 978-2-600-05872-8.

Reseña de Carlo Edoardo Altamura, The Graduate Institute, Ginebra.
Revisión de H-France Vol. 21 (marzo de 2021), No. 30.

Douglas W. Leonard, Antropología, política colonial y decadencia del imperio francés en África. Londres: Bloomsbury Academic, 2020. xi + 235 pp. Figuras, notas, bibliografía e índice. £ 85.00 Reino Unido (hb). ISBN 9781788315203 £ 76.50 Reino Unido (EPUB eb). ISBN 9781786726131 £ 76.50 Reino Unido (PDF eb). ISBN 9781786736192.

Reseña de Roy Dilley, Universidad de St Andrews.
Revisión de H-France Vol. 21 (marzo de 2021), No. 31.

Kathryn Kleppinger y Laura Reeck, eds., Culturas posmigratorias en la Francia poscolonial. Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2018. x + 288 págs. Ilustraciones, notas e índice. 130,00 dólares EE.UU. (hb). ISBN 9781786941138

Reseña de Lucille Toth, Universidad Estatal de Ohio.
Revisión de H-France Vol. 21 (marzo de 2021), No. 32.

Marva Barnett, Amar es actuar: Los miserables y la visión de Victor Hugo de liderar vidas de conciencia. Chicago: Swan Isle Press, 2020. 213 páginas. $ 30 dólares estadounidenses (pb). Notas, apéndices y referencias. ISBN 9780997228762.

Reseña de Stéphanie Boulard, Instituto de Tecnología de Georgia.
Revisión de H-France Vol. 21 (marzo de 2021), No. 33.

Christine Mussard, L'Obsession communale: La Calle, un territoire de colonization dans l’Est Algérien, 1884-1957. Aix-en-Provence: Presses universitaires de Provence, 2018. 356 págs. Notas, mapas, gráficos, bibliografía y anexos. 27,00 Ꞓ. (pb). ISBN 9791032001462.

Reseña de Charlotte Ann Legg, Instituto de la Universidad de Londres en París.
Revisión de H-France Vol. 21 (marzo de 2021), No. 34.

Mona L. Siegel, Paz en nuestros términos: la batalla global por los derechos de las mujeres después de la Primera Guerra Mundial. Nueva York: Columbia University Press, 2020. xiii + 321 págs. Ilustraciones, notas e índice. $ 35.00 dólares estadounidenses (cl). ISBN 978-0-23-119510-2 $ 26,00 EE. UU. (Pb). ISBN 978-0-23-119511-9.

Reseña de Jean Elisabeth Pedersen, Eastman School of Music, Universidad de Rochester.
Revisión de H-France Vol. 21 (marzo de 2021), No. 35.

François Médicis y Steven Huebner, eds., Resonancia de Debussy. Eastman Studies in Music vol. 150. Rochester, N.Y .: University of Rochester Press, 2018. xiv + 625 págs. Notas, ilustraciones, ejemplos musicales y biografías de los colaboradores. $ 125.00 dólares estadounidenses (hb). ISBN 9781580465250.

Reseña de Simon Trezise, ​​Trinity College Dublin.
Revisión de H-France Vol. 21 (marzo de 2021), No. 36.

Patrick Awondo, Le sexe et ses doubles: (Homo) sexualités en postcolonie. Lyon: Ediciones ENS, 2019. 243 págs. Bibliografía, lista de siglas y abreviaturas y glosario. 25,00 €. (pb). ISBN 979-10-362-0097-7 14,99 €. (eb). ISBN 979-10-362-0098-4.

Revisión de Denis M. Provencher, Universidad de Arizona.
Revisión de H-France Vol. 21 (marzo de 2021), No. 37.

Todd Shepard, Sexo, Francia y hombres árabes, 1962-1979. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2017. 317 págs. Figuras, bibliografía e índice. $ 50.00 dólares estadounidenses (cl). ISBN 9780226493275 $ 36,00 EE. UU. (Pb). ISBN 9780226790381.

Reseña de Arthur Asseraf, Universidad de Cambridge.
Revisión de H-France Vol. 21 (marzo de 2021), No. 38.

Respuesta de Todd Shepard, Universidad Johns Hopkins.
Revisión de H-France Vol. 21 (marzo de 2021), No. 39.

Ramzi Rouighi, Inventando a los bereberes. Historia e ideología en el Magreb. University of Pennsylvania Press, 2019. 312 págs. Bibliografía e índice. $ 79.95 EE. UU. (Pb). ISBN 9780812251302.

Reseña de Fazia Aïtel, Claremont McKenna College.
Revisión de H-France Vol. 21 (marzo de 2021), No. 40.

Respuesta de Ramzi Rouighi, Universidad del Sur de California.
Revisión de H-France Vol. 21 (marzo de 2021), No. 41.

Natalie Edwards, Escritura multilingüe sobre la vida de mujeres francesas y francófonas: seres translinguales. Nueva York y Londres: Routledge, 2020. viii + 176 págs. Notas, referencias e índice. $ 160.00 dólares estadounidenses (hb). ISBN 9780367150327 $ 48,95 EE. UU. (Eb). ISBN 9780429054877.

Reseña de Julia Elsky, Loyola University Chicago.
Revisión de H-France Vol. 21 (marzo de 2021), No. 42.

Bruce Hayes, Humor hostil en la Francia del Renacimiento. Newark: University of Delaware Press, 2020. xiv + 218 págs. Notas, bibliografía e índice. $ 65.00 dólares estadounidenses (hb). ISBN 9781644531778 $ 32,50 EE. UU. (Pb). ISBN 9781644531785.

Reseña de Lucy Rayfield, Universidad de Oxford.
Revisión de H-France Vol. 21 (marzo de 2021), No. 43.

Margot Beal, Des champs aux cuisine: histoires de la domesticité en Rhône et Loire (1848-1940). Lyon: Ediciones ENS, 2019. 235 págs. Notas y bibliografía. 28,00 €. (pb). ISBN 9791036201363, 0,00 €. (eb). ISBN 9791036201387.

Reseña de Lucy Rayfield, Universidad de Oxford.
Revisión de H-France Vol. 21 (marzo de 2021), No. 44.

Elizabeth Morrison y Larisa Grollemond, eds., Libro de las bestias: el bestiario del mundo medieval. Los Ángeles: The J. Paul Getty Museum, 2019. xiv + 339 págs. Notas, apéndices, referencias, créditos de ilustraciones, índice e inserto de erratas. $ 85 Estados Unidos (cl). ISBN 978160606590.

Reseña de Jenny Davis Barnett, Universidad de Queensland.
Revisión de H-France Vol. 21 (marzo de 2021), No. 45.

Ève Morisi. Letras mayúsculas: Hugo, Baudelaire, Camus y la pena de muerte. Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press, 2020. xiv + 265 págs. Notas, bibliografía e índice. ISBN 9780810141520 (hb), $ 99.95 ISBN 9780810141513 (pb), $ 34.95.

Reseña de Timothy Raser, Universidad de Georgia.
Revisión de H-France Vol. 21 (marzo de 2021), No. 46.

Stenner, David. Globalizando Marruecos: activismo transnacional y estado poscolonial. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2019. xv + 289 págs. Notas, bibliografía e índice. $ 90.00 dólares estadounidenses (cl). ISBN 9781503608115 $ 30.00 EE. UU. (Pb). ISBN 9781503608993.

Reseña de Mark Drury, Universidad de Princeton.
Revisión de H-France Vol. 21 (marzo de 2021), No. 47.

Judy Kem, Patologías del amor: la medicina y la cuestión de la mujer en la Francia moderna temprana. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2019. xiv + 287 págs. Ilustraciones, tablas, apéndices, notas, bibliografía e índice. $ 60.00 dólares estadounidenses (hb). ISBN 978-1-4962-1520-8 $ 60,00 EE. UU. (Eb). ISBN 978-1-4962-1687-8.

Reseña de Dorothea Heitsch, Universidad de Carolina del Norte en Chapel Hill.
Revisión de H-France Vol. 21 (marzo de 2021), No. 48.

Rosemary Lancaster, Mujeres que escriben en la Riviera francesa: viajeros y creadores de tendencias, 1870-1970. Leiden y Boston: Brill / Rodopi, 2020. xii + 275 pp. Referencias, índice, 20 ilustraciones en color y frontispicio. $ 140.00 dólares estadounidenses (hb). ISBN 9789004428751 $ 140,00 EE. UU. (Eb). ISBN 9789004433922.

Reseña de Melanie Hawthorne, Texas A & ampM University.
Revisión de H-France Vol. 21 (marzo de 2021), No. 49.

Daniel Chirot, ¿Dices que quieres una revolución? El idealismo radical y sus trágicas consecuencias. Princeton, Nueva Jersey: Princeton University Press, 2020. xii + 171 págs. $ 29.95 U.S. (hb). ISBN 9780691193670.

Reseña de Lloyd Kramer, Universidad de Carolina del Norte, Chapel Hill.
Revisión de H-France Vol. 21 (marzo de 2021), No. 50.

Charles-François Mathis y Émile-Anne Pépy, Ecologizar la ciudad: la naturaleza en los pueblos franceses desde el siglo XVII. Traducido por Moya Jones. Winwick: The White Horse Press, 2020. 332 págs. ISBN 978-1-912186-13-6.

Reseña de Caroline Ford, Universidad de California, Los Ángeles.
Revisión de H-France Vol. 21 (marzo de 2021), No. 51.

Christopher Lloyd, Guy de Maupassant. Londres: Reaktion Books, 2020. 216 págs. Treinta ilustraciones. £ 11.99 Reino Unido (pb). ISBN 978-1-78914-197-9.

Compte-rendu par Noëlle Benhamou, Université de Picardie Jules Verne, Amiens (Francia).
Revisión de H-France Vol. 21 (marzo de 2021), No. 52.

Alexander Mikaberidze. Las guerras napoleónicas: una historia global. Nueva York: Oxford University Press, 2020. xxiii + 936 págs. Mapas, notas, bibliografía e índice. 39,95 dólares estadounidenses (hb). ISBN 978-0-19-995106-2.

Reseña de Elise Kimerling Wirtschafter, Universidad Politécnica del Estado de California, Pomona.
Revisión de H-France Vol. 21 (marzo de 2021), No. 53.

Bernard Gauthiez, La producción de espacio urbano, temporalidad y espacialidad: Lyon, 1500-1900. Berlín: De Gruyter Oldenbourg, 2020. xi + 257 pp. Mapas, tablas, figuras, notas, bibliografía e índice. $ 68,99 EE. UU. (Hb). ISBN 9783110619638 $ 68,99 EE. UU. (Eb). ISBN 9783110623062.

Reseña de David Garrioch, Monash University.
Revisión de H-France Vol. 21 (marzo de 2021), No. 54.

Michael Harrigan, Fronteras de la servidumbre: la esclavitud en las narrativas del Atlántico francés temprano. Manchester: University of Manchester Press, 2018. xii + 330 págs. Figuras, notas e índice. $ 120.00 dólares estadounidenses (cl). ISBN 9781526122261.

Reseña de Ashley M. Williard, Universidad de Carolina del Sur.
Revisión de H-France Vol. 21 (marzo de 2021), No. 55.

William S. Cormack, Patriotas, realistas y terroristas en las Indias Occidentales. La Revolución Francesa en Martinica y Guadalupe 1789–1802. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2019. x +390 pp. Mapas, figuras, notas, bibliografía e índice. $ 54.00 dólares estadounidenses (cl.). ISBN 9781487503956 $ 54,00
Estados Unidos (eb). ISBN 9781487519155.

Reseña de Flavio Eichmann, Universidad de Berna.
Revisión de H-France Vol. 21 (marzo de 2021), No. 56.

Pierre Journoud, Dien Bien Phu. La fin d’un monde. París: Éditions Vendémiaire, 2019. 472 págs. Mapas, notas, bibliografía e índice. 25,00 €. (pb). ISBN 978-2-36358-325-3.

Reseña de M. Kathryn Edwards, Universidad de Tulane.
Revisión de H-France Vol. 21 (marzo de 2021), No. 57.

Flavio Eichmann, Krieg und Revolution in der Karibik. Die Kleinen Antillen, 1789-1815. Berlín: De Gruyter Oldenbourg, 2019. 553 págs. $ 65,99 EE. UU. (Eb). ISBN 9783110608830 $ 65,99 EE. UU. (Hb). ISBN 9783110605853.

Reseña de Jeremy D. Popkin, Universidad de Kentucky.
Revisión de H-France Vol. 21 (marzo de 2021), No. 58.

Diana Davis, The Tastemakers: British Dealers and the Anglo-Galic Interior, 1785-1865. Los Ángeles: Getty Research Institute, 2020. xii + 308 págs. Láminas, figuras, notas, bibliografía e índice. $ 65.00 dólares estadounidenses (hb). ISBN 978-1-60606-641-6.

Reseña de Conor Lucey, University College Dublin.
Revisión de H-France Vol. 21 (marzo de 2021), No. 59.

Jeff Kendrick y Katherine S. Maynard, eds., Polémica y literatura en torno a las guerras de religión francesas. Estudios en cultura medieval y moderna 68. Boston y Berlín: Walter de Gruyter, 2019. ix + 208 pp. Figuras, notas, bibliografía, índice. $ 102.99 Estados Unidos (hb). ISBN
9781501518034 $ 102,99 EE. UU. (Eb). 9781501513510.

Reseña de George Hoffmann, Universidad de Michigan.
Revisión de H-France Vol. 21 (marzo de 2021), No. 60.


El mundo medieval, Том 10

Esta innovadora colección da vida a la Edad Media y transmite el carácter distintivo de este período diverso y en constante cambio. Treinta y ocho eruditos reúnen un mundo medieval de muchos mundos dispares, desde Connacht hasta Constantinopla y desde Tynemouth hasta Tombuctú.

Este extraordinario conjunto de reconstrucciones presenta al lector un vívido re-dibujo del pasado medieval, ofreciendo evaluaciones frescas de la evidencia y la escritura histórica moderna.

Los capítulos están vinculados temáticamente en cuatro secciones:

  • identidades
  • creencias, valores sociales y orden simbólico
  • poder y estructuras de poder
  • élites, organizaciones y grupos.

Lleno de erudición original, El mundo medieval es una lectura esencial para cualquiera que estudie historia medieval.

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El mundo medieval

Para ayudar a reconstruir el período medieval para el lector contemporáneo, Linehan (Historia y los historiadores de la España medieval) y Nelson (El mundo franco, 750-900) han contado con contribuciones de 38. Читать весь отзыв


Europa medieval posterior

Esta serie trata todos los aspectos de la historia, la sociedad y la cultura europeas desde ca. 1100 hasta ca. 1600. Con un enfoque paneuropeo, proporciona un foro para la investigación sobre una variedad de temas destacados en el período medieval tardío, como la historia política, económica y social, así como la historia de la iglesia, la historia intelectual, la historia urbana y la historia de la cultura y la mentalidad.

La serie publica monografías, colecciones temáticas editadas y ediciones y traducciones originales, y da la bienvenida a la investigación interdisciplinaria y los estudios interculturales o comparativos. Su objetivo es promover la paridad geográfica para alcanzar una visión holística de la Edad Media tardía europea, al mismo tiempo que conecta las diferentes vertientes de la vida pancontinental durante este vibrante período de la historia y construye un puente entre los períodos medieval y moderno temprano.

Los autores están cordialmente invitados a enviar propuestas y / o manuscritos completos al editor de la serie, el profesor Douglas Biggs, o al editor de Brill, la Dra. Kate Hammond.

Brill es totalmente compatible con la publicación de acceso abierto y ofrece la opción de publicar su monografía, volumen editado o capítulo en acceso abierto. Nuestros servicios de acceso abierto cumplen totalmente con los requisitos de los financiadores. Apoyamos las licencias Creative Commons. Para mayor información por favor visite Brill Open o contáctenos en [email protected]

Nota biográfica

Douglas L Biggs, Doctor. (1996) en Historia, Universidad de Minnesota, es Profesor Asociado de Historia en la Universidad de Nebraska - Kearney. Ha publicado extensamente sobre la historia política y militar inglesa de finales de la Edad Media, incluida la coedición, Enrique IV: el establecimiento del régimen, 1399-1406 (Woodbridge, 2003).

Sara M. Butler, Ph.D (2001), Dalhousine University, es profesor King George III de Historia Británica en la Ohio State University. Es una historiadora social del derecho que ha publicado libros y artículos sobre los temas de violencia conyugal, divorcio, suicidio, aborto, anticlericalismo y negligencia médica. Su libro más reciente es Medicina forense e investigación de la muerte en la Europa medieval tardía (Routledge, 2015).

Kelly DeVries, Doctor. (1987) en Estudios Medievales, Centro de Estudios Medievales, Universidad de Toronto, es Profesor de Historia en Loyola College en Maryland. El es el autor de Juana de Arco: una historia militar (Sutton, 1999), La invasión noruega de Inglaterra en 1066 (The Boydell Press, 1999), Guerra de infantería a principios del siglo XIV: disciplina, tácticas y tecnología (The Boydell Press, 1996) y Tecnología militar medieval (Broadview Press, 1992) y numerosos artículos sobre historia militar medieval y tecnología militar.

William Chester Jordan es profesor de historia de Dayton-Stockton en la Universidad de Princeton, donde enseña historia medieval. Sus libros incluyen De la servidumbre a la libertad: la manumisión en los Sénonais en el siglo XIII (UPP, 1986) Mujeres y crédito en sociedades preindustriales y en desarrollo (UPP, 1993, traducción al japonés 2004) La gran hambruna: el norte de Europa a principios del siglo XIV (PUP, 1996), ganador de la Medalla Haskins de la Academia Medieval de América Europa en la Alta Edad Media (Penguin, 2001), y más recientemente Lucha incesante, miedo incesante: Jacques de Thérines y la libertad de la Iglesia en la era de los últimos Capetos (Cachorro, 2005). El profesor Jordan también ha editado varias enciclopedias para niños de escuela primaria, estudiantes de secundaria y académicos.

Cynthia Neville ocupa la Cátedra George Munro de Historia y Economía Política en la Universidad de Dalhousie en Halifax, Nueva Escocia. Ha publicado extensamente sobre varios aspectos de la historia legal y social de las tierras fronterizas anglo-escocesas en el período 1200-1500 y, más recientemente, sobre el tema del señorío gaélico en la Escocia medieval. Es autora de numerosos estudios de extensión de artículos sobre el impacto de las ideas anglo-normandas y europeas en la cultura de la nobleza gaélica de Escocia en los siglos XII y XIII y también publicó un libro sobre este tema, titulado Señorío nativo en la Escocia medieval: los condados de Strathearn y Lennox, c.1140-1365 (Prensa de cuatro tribunales, 2005). Actualmente está trabajando en un libro que examina más aspectos de la historia legal, social y cultural de Escocia Gaeldom en los siglos XII y XIII.

Kathryn L. Reyerson, Doctor. (1974) en Estudios Medievales, Universidad de Yale, es Catedrático de Historia en la Universidad de Minnesota. Ha publicado extensamente sobre la historia social y económica medieval, particularmente del Mediterráneo francés, incluyendo El arte del trato. Intermediarios comerciales en el Montpellier medieval (Brill, 2002) y Jacques Coeur. Emprendedor y tesorero del rey (Pearson Longman, 2004).

Consejo editorial

Jefe de redacción
Douglas Biggs (Universidad de Nebraska - Kearney)

Editores
Sara M. Butler (Universidad Estatal de Ohio)
Kelly DeVries (Universidad Loyola Maryland)
William Chester Jordan (Universidad de Princeton)
Cynthia J. Neville (Universidad de Dalhousie)
Kathryn L. Reyerson (Universidad de Minnesota)


Opciones de acceso

1. Véase, por ejemplo, Jones, W. J., The Elizabethan Court of Chancery (Oxford, 1967).

2. Baker, J. H., Introducción a la historia jurídica inglesa, 3ª ed. (Londres, 1990), 114. Google Académico

3. Chrimes, S. B., Introducción a la historia administrativa de la Inglaterra medieval, Estudios de Oxford en Historia medieval, vol. 7, 3d ed. (Oxford, 1966). Google Scholar Maxwell-Lyte, HC, Notas históricas sobre el uso del gran sello de Inglaterra (Londres, 1926). Google Scholar Tout, TF, Capítulos de la historia administrativa de la Inglaterra medieval: The Wardrobe, the Cámara y los pequeños sellos, 6 vols. (Manchester, 1920 - 1933) Académico de Google "El hogar de la cancillería y su desintegración", en Ensayos de historia presentados a Reginald Lane Poole, ed. Davis, H. W. C. (Oxford, 1927 Google Scholar repr. 1969), 46–85, también en Los artículos recopilados de Thomas Frederick Tout con una memoria y bibliografía, 3 vols. (Manchester, 1932-1934), vol. 2, 143–72. Wilkinson, B., "The Chancery", en English Government at Work, 1327-1336, I, ed. Willard, J. F., Morris, W. A. ​​(Cambridge, Mass., 1940), 162 - 205 Google Scholar La cancillería bajo Edward III (Manchester, 1929). Todos los aspectos de organización, personal y administración mencionados en esta discusión son tratados por al menos uno de estos autores, y la mayoría son discutidos por todos.

4. Chrimes, Historia administrativa, 241–42. Smith, Charles W. ha presentado material prosopográfico en "Some Trends in the English Royal Chancery: 1377-1483", Medieval Prosopography 6 (1985), 69 - 94. Google Scholar

5. La siguiente descripción breve está tomada de Baker, Historia jurídica inglesa, 114–18.

6. En el siglo XV, los únicos cancilleres no clérigos fueron Thomas Beaufort, caballero y más tarde primer conde de Dorset y primer duque de Exeter (canciller 1410-11) y Richard Neville, conde de Salisbury (canciller 1454-1455). En el siglo XIV había considerablemente más cancilleres que no eran clérigos: Robert Bourchier, caballero (canciller 1340–41) Robert Parving, caballero (canciller 1341–43) Robert Sadington, caballero y ex barón jefe del Exchequer (canciller 1343–45 ) Robert Thorpe, caballero y ex CJCB (canciller 1371–72) John Knyvet, caballero y ex CJKB (canciller 1372–77) Richard Scrope, lord Scrope de Bolton (1378–80, 1381–82) Michael de la Pole, caballero, primer conde de Suffolk (canciller 1383-1386). En total, sin embargo, estos siete hombres ocuparon el cargo durante menos de dieciséis años. En el siglo XVI, Tomás Moro (canciller 1529-1532) se perfila como el primero de los que serían, en general, titulares de la oficina laicos y, a menudo, de derecho consuetudinario. Los cancilleres episcopales reaparecieron durante el breve reinado de María. Ver Handbook of British Chronology, 3ª ed. , eds. Fryde, E. B., Greenway, D. E., Porter, S. y Roy, I. (Londres, 1986).

7. El impacto del carácter del titular en el cargo de canciller podría ser significativo, a pesar del crecimiento de una burocracia estable para dirigir la Cancillería. Hay muchas obras sobre los obispos-administradores de la Edad Media, pero las siguientes pueden mencionarse como especialmente aplicables al período medieval tardío: Margaret E. Avery, "Canciller John Stafford", inédito. artículo (Universidad de Waikato, Nueva Zelanda) Campbell, J., The Lives of the Lord Chancellors of England, nueva ed. por Mallory, J. A., 12 vols. (Boston, 1874-1881) Google Scholar Dunning, RW, "Los hogares de los obispos de Bath y Wells en la Edad Media tardía", Actas de la Sociedad de Historia Natural y Arqueológica de Somersetshire 110 (1965-1966), 24-39 Google Scholar Jacob, EF, "Archbishop John Stafford", Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 5th ser., 12 (1962), 1 - 23 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, reimpreso en Jacob, EF, Essays in Later Medieval History (Manchester y Nueva York, 1968), 35 - 57 Google Scholar Rosenthal, JT, "La formación de un grupo de élite: obispos ingleses en el siglo XV", Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, ns, 60, pt. 5 (Filadelfia, 1970). Google Scholar

8. Baker, Historia jurídica inglesa, 116.

9. Plucknett, T. F. T., Una historia concisa del derecho común, 5ª ed. (Londres, 1956), 180. Google Scholar Palgrave, Francis, An Essay upon the Original Authority of the King's Council (Londres, 1834). Google Scholar Uno de los principales defensores de este punto de vista fue J. F. Baldwin. En su trabajo de 1913 sobre el Consejo del Rey, comenzó su capítulo sobre la relación entre el Consejo y el canciller con la declaración de que "No hay nada en la historia institucional de Inglaterra más notable que el desarrollo del cargo de canciller" (El Consejo del Rey en Inglaterra en la Edad Media [Oxford, 1913], 236). Señaló además que este notable desarrollo fue "una transformación misteriosa" mediante la cual una oficina puramente administrativa "comprendió" las funciones judiciales y finalmente se convirtió en un gran tribunal. Baldwin creía que podía lograrlo porque en el siglo XIII la Cancillería no era simplemente una oficina ejecutiva, sino una rama de la curia regis y desde sus inicios había “seguido los métodos de la curia regis como órgano de consulta ”(237). Parece haber alguna discrepancia entre una oficina que capta y un cuerpo que es consultado. La cuestión no puede abordarse aquí en detalle, pero sería interesante determinar si la Cancillería buscó activamente expandir sus actividades judiciales haciendo reclamos de jurisdicción de la misma manera que lo hicieron los tribunales de derecho consuetudinario, o si se desarrolló a partir de personas que trajeron sus dificultades con la esperanza de una resolución. La última sugerencia parece más viable y está respaldada por los hallazgos presentados en la segunda parte de este ensayo. Para Baldwin, esta calidad consultiva de la Cancillería fue crucial para su posterior desarrollo. Sin embargo, el aspecto central para el crecimiento de la Cancillería como tribunal por derecho propio fue la remisión al canciller de las peticiones dirigidas al Consejo y al Parlamento. La historia de este proceso de remisión, y especialmente de la relación en evolución entre el canciller y el Consejo en asuntos judiciales, recibió un amplio tratamiento (254–61).

10. Seleccionar casos en la cancillería d. C. 1364–1471, ed. Baildon, William P., Publicaciones de la Sociedad Seiden, vol. 10 (1896), xxvi. Google Académico

11. Baildon creía que una proclamación de 1349 a los alguaciles de Londres distinguía asuntos de gracia y asuntos de derecho consuetudinario y que esto era "un contraste [que] ciertamente sugiere que algo en la naturaleza del alivio equitativo estaba en la mente del rey". The text on which he based his observation is as follows: “volumus quod quilibet negocia tam communem legem regni nostri Anglie quam graciam nostram specialem concernencia penes nosmetipsos habens exnunc prosequenda, eadem negocia, videlicet, negocia ad communem legem penes venerabilem virum electum Cantuariensem confirmatum Cancellarium nostrum per ipsum expedienda, et alia negocia de gracia nostra concernenda penes eundem Cancellarium seu dilectum clericum nostrum Custodem sigilli nostri privati prosequantur ita quod …” (from Close Roll 22 Edward III, p.2 m.2d) (Ibid., xvii–xviii).

14. Baker, English Legal History, 117.

15. Ibid., 117–18. The closing sentence is nicely adapted from Maitland , F. W. , Equity: A Course of Lectures , 2d ed. , eds. Chaytor , A. H. and Whittaker , W. J. , rev. Branyate , J. ( Cambridge , 1936 ), 17 .Google Scholar Remarking on the twenty-fifth section of the Judicature Act (1873) Maitland argued that despite the provisions of this legislation, which implied conflict between common law and equity, such antagonism was untrue. Noting occasional disagreements, and especially Coke/Ellesmere, he remarked that this debate belonged to the “old days” and that for two centuries before 1875 the two systems had been working together harmoniously: “Equity had come not to destroy the law, but to fulfill it.” As shall be seen, Baker's replacement of equity with the person of the chancellor is of the utmost importance and advances the argument considerably.

16. Baker, English Legal History, 118.

18. See Haskett , T. S. , “The Presentation of Cases in Medieval Chancery Bills,” in Legal History in the Making , Papers Presented to the Ninth British Legal History Conference, University of Glasgow 1989 , eds. Gordon , W. M. and Fergus , T. D. ( London , 1991 ), 11 – 28 .Google Scholar

19. Baker, English Legal History, 119.

21. Avery , Margaret E. , “ The History of the Equitable Jurisdiction of Chancery before 1460 ,” Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research 42 ( 1969 ), 130 .CrossRefGoogle Scholar Only two other scholars have published work that is based directly upon the records of the court, although the scope and range of their studies is much smaller than Avery's: Pronay , Nicholas , “The Chancellor, the Chancery, and the Council at the End of the Fifteenth Century,” in British Government and Administration: Studies Presented to S. B. Chrimes , eds. Hearder , H. and Loyn , H. R. ( Cardiff , 1974 ), 87 – 103 Google Scholar Metzger , Franz , “The Last Phase of the Medieval Chancery,” in Law-Making and Law-Makers in British History , Papers Presented to the Edinburgh Legal History Conference, 1977, ed. Harding , A. , Royal Historical Society Studies in History, no. 22 ( London , 1980 ), 79 – 89 .Google Scholar Metzger's , unpublished dissertation, “Das Englische Kanzleigericht unter Kardinal Wolsey, 1515–1529,” ( Erlangen Ph.D., 1976 )Google Scholar , presents a statistical analysis of 7,476 Chancery cases from Wolsey's tenure. Guy , J. A. in “ Thomas More as Successor to Wolsey ,” Thought: Fordham University Quarterly 52 ( 1977 ), 275 –94CrossRefGoogle Scholar , provides statistical notes on 1,222 cases from More's time in office.

22. Holdsworth , William S. , A History of English Law , 4th ed. , 16 vols. ( London , 1936 Google Scholar repr. 1966), vol. 2, 346–47. In discussing the second of his three factors he notes that these ideas of conscience were “borrowed from the canon lawyers.”

23. Ibid., 591–92, 596–97. In opposition to Holdsworth's suggestion of new developments in Chancery jurisprudence, G. B. Adams argued forcefully for the idea of the origin and development of equity in king and Council. He posited a continual line of equity through the royal prerogative, beginning with the Council at the Conquest and ending with the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council in modern times. From this line branched off three major arenas in which the equity that was still dependent on the prerogative was administered: in the common law courts until the fifteenth century in Chancery and in the court of Star Chamber (Council and Courts in Anglo-Norman England [London and New Haven, 1926], 200–205). For Adams, common law and equity originated together as an undifferentiated system within the king's duty to provide justice and security through his prerogative authority and administration (185). As the common law—itself a method of improving the administration of justice through the use of the prerogative—hardened into a fixed system, the prerogative was sought again to provide needed flexibility from this second stage came the mature equity system (189 n.22).

24. Post , J. B. , “Equitable Resorts before 1450,” in Law, Litigants and the Legal Profession , Papers Presented to the Fourth British Legal History Conference, University of Birmingham 1979 , eds. Ives , E. W. and Manchester , A. H. . Royal Historical Society Studies in History, no. 36 ( London , 1983 ), 68 – 69 .Google Scholar

27. Understanding of such activity has been advanced in one specific area by Rawcliffe , Carole in “The Great Lord as Peacekeeper: Arbitration by English Noblemen and Their Councils in the Later Middle Ages,” in Law and Social Change in British History , Papers Presented to the Bristol Legal History Conference, 1981, eds. Guy , J. A. and Beale , H. G. ( London , 1984 ), 34 – 54 .Google Scholar

28. Post, “Equitable Resorts,” 78.

29. Maitland , F. W. , The Constitutional History of England ( Cambridge , 1908 ), 225 .Google Scholar

32. Maitland, Capital, 5. Baker, after H. Coing and J. L. Barton, notes that the specific model for Chancery process may have been the denunciatio evangelica (English Legal History, 199 n.26) see infra at nn.55–68.

34. Maitland cited George Spence on the side of strong Romanism (The Equitable Jurisdiction of the Court of Chancery, 2 vols. [London, 1846–49 Philadelphia, 1846–50]) and O. W. Holmes opposed to such a notion (“Early English Equity,” in Select Essays in Anglo-American Legal History, 3 vols. [Boston, 1907–9], vol. 2, 705–21).

36. See the Appendix for a brief discussion of the education and experience of the late medieval chancellors.

38. This work is discussed infra at nn.85–98.

39. Vinogradoff , Paul , “ Reason and Conscience in Sixteenth-Century Jurisprudence ,” Law Quarterly Review 24 ( 1908 ), 379 .Google Scholar

41. Vinogradoff , Paul , Roman Law in Medieval Europe ( Oxford , 1929 Google Scholar repr. with a new Foreword by Peter Stein, Cambridge and New York, 1968), 117–18.

42. Vinogradoff, “Reason and Conscience,” 380. Adams, Council and Courts, 212.

43. Others have had a more difficult time acknowledging such influences. Even with his strong emphasis on continuity, Adams recognized that the equity system of the Chancery in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries required some explanation. Stalwart in his conviction of the continuous growth of institutional equity from Anglo-Norman times down to the modern period, he asked whether new doctrines were introduced that changed this body of equity sufficiently to constitute a “new, distinct and independent development,” marking the beginning of what he termed “modem equity” (Council and Courts, 205). He recognized that something new was at work in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries and fortified his concept of continuity by taking the position that, if any new doctrine was introduced to justify and guide the equity system of the Chancery, it must have occurred after the line of development of “equity proper” had parted from the line of the development of the Council's jurisdiction. “Equity proper” he took to be the jurisdiction of the chancellor, and it was here that new doctrine, which he called “the rule of reason and conscience,” entered. This rule broadened the old function of securing justice for all, allowing the equity court to insist that faith be kept where common law could not act, to insist that unjust advantage not be taken of ignorance or folly, and to prevent fraud based upon the allowance of mere forms. Adams maintained, however, that conscience was not put forward as a substitute for the prerogative basis of justice, but only as proof that the prerogative had the right to interfere in certain cases (208–10). The prime difficulty with Adams's view, of course, is the definition of the new doctrine. He spoke of it often and once stated that it was “borrowed from without” (213), but his only description was that it was comprised of rules of reason and conscience. In fact, Adams actually used the passage from the work of Vinogradoff, cited at the previous note, suggesting what he perceived to be the source of the new doctrine.

44. Barbour , Willard T. , “ Some Aspects of Fifteenth-Century Chancery ,” Harvard Law Review 31 ( 1917 – 1918 ), 835 .Google Scholar He describes these ecclesiastics as people “who knew little of the common law but a good deal of another system.”

46. O. W. Holmes, for example, made the following statement with respect to the protection of the cestui que use: “As soon as the need for protection was felt, the means of supplying it was at hand. Nothing was easier than for the ecclesiastics who presided in Chancery to carry out there, as secular judges, the principles which their predecessors had striven to enforce in their own tribunals under the rival authority of the Church. As chancellors they were free from those restrictions which confined them as churchmen to suits concerning matrimony and wills” (Select Essays, vol. 2, 715–16). Despite the problematical description of the chancellor as a secular judge, the overly strong emphasis of the Church as a rival authority, and the limitation of ecclesiastical jurisdiction to matrimony and wills, this view at least recognised the ecclesiastical character of the chancellor, his familiarity with another procedure, and the presence of principles of law and equity in the canonical tradition.

47. Marchant , Ronald A. , The Church under the Law. Justice, Administration and Discipline in the Diocese of York, 1560–1640 ( Cambridge , 1969 ), 2 .Google Scholar

50. Expanding Avery's list back to Edmund Stafford and forward to Thomas More extends the survey to match the range of the Early Court of Chancery in England Project , described infra, Part II. The Appendix presents a description of each chancellor.

51. Adams, Council and Courts, is a particularly good example of this approach.

53. Avery , Margaret E. , “ An Evaluation of the Effectiveness of the Court of Chancery under the Lancastrian Kings ,” Law Quarterly Review 86 ( 1970 ), 90 .Google Scholar

54. Not every recent writer is convinced. Post, for instance, believes that the links between canon law and Chancery's equity were tenuous. While he admits that the influence of canonists—both as chancellors and as Chancery clerks—on procedure and judgments “must have been substantial,” analogous to the influence of canonists upon the common-law justices of the thirteenth century, he cautions that “this does not mean that civilian doctrines played any larger part than the general doctrines of the common law in formulating the judgments of the court” (“Equitable Resorts,” 78). But how could it be that merely tenuous links between canon law and the Chancery jurisprudence were the product of canonical influences that were themselves substantial? And how could such links be considered tenuous when these influences, Post admits, could have played as large a part in the development of Chancery's equity as did common-law influences, which he implies were considerable? Post continues that “there is nothing to suggest that litigants resorted to Chancery to get civilian treatment it is far more likely that they sought the natural justice and common sense which at lower levels would have been meted by mediators unversed in either law” (ibid.). To be sure, there is no requirement that those who resorted to the Court of Chancery for redress actively sought civil-law remedies, and Post is quite right that litigants took their cases to the forum wherein they most expected a favorable decision. But that those who went to the court did not understand the complexities of its jurisprudence in no way implies that that jurisprudence was not present. In other words, a litigant's ignorance of civilian or canonical principles does not mean that the chancellor and his staff were also ignorant. The perception of the petitioners, and especially of those assisting them, is far more complex than Post allows (see the analysis of the diplomatic of the Chancery records in Haskett, “The Presentation of Cases in Medieval Chancery Bills”). Although Post has provided new insights into the Court of Chancery by placing it in a larger context of social control through arbitration, he is driven to a difficult conclusion, which itself admits the necessity of canonical and civilian influence. Indeed, in the same book J. A. Guy suggests, describing the development of protection for beneficiaries involved in the provisions of the use, that “It was the chancellor, following after 1450 the example of the ecclesiastical courts, who began the slow but steady progress by which other interests became guaranteed on the ground of conscience” (“The Development of Equitable Jurisdictions, 1450–1550,” in Law, Litigants and the Legal Profession, 80). The topic could be widened to encompass the broad notions of law and justice in late medieval England. Edward Powell has remarked that academic discussion of the nature of law and government was dominated by the thought of St. Thomas Aquinas. Noting that “it is hard to imagine many JPs thumbing through the Summa Theologica after a hard day at the sessions”—something that the scholar-chancellors might well have done—Powell suggests that Thomas's definitions are relevant because they articulated fundamental principles of medieval thought. “The belief that law was of divine origin,” he states, “that it must be in accord with reason, and that justice entailed giving each man his right, were matters of more than academic interest.” Indeed they were, yet more than just Thomas is of concern here. Also, Powell's statement, based for the Chancery on Baildon's selection of cases (see supra, n.10), that “Petitioners invoking the equitable jurisdiction of the king's council or the chancellor habitually requested the remedy demanded by law and reason,” is inaccurate: most often Chancery petitioners appeal to reason and conscience (Kingship, Law and Society. Criminal Justice in the Reign of Henry V [Oxford, 1989], 25–29).

55. Coing , H. , “ English Equity and the Denunciatio Evangelica of the Canon Law ,” Law Quarterly Review 71 ( 1955 ), 225 .Google Scholar Coing remarks that there is a general view that, since most pre-Reformation chancellors were ecclesiastics, there must have been some canon-law influence. He notes that such opinions are always expressed in general terms rather than based on specific aspects of canon law and equity (224).

56. Ibid., 231–32. Further detail strengthens Coing's comparison. Admissability of the remedy in both jurisdictions is to be found either in delectus iustitiae (justice denied because of the plaintiff's weakness or the defendant's power) or through naturalis obligatio (in parol contract). Coing also sees parallels in crimen de sua natura ecclesiasticum (robbery, plundering, wrongful imprisonment), yet concedes that the denunciatio evangelica in such cases duplicated, rather than informed, the English practice, as the kings had long been a source of appeal for such acts of violence (232–33). Substantive rules, too, offer parallels. In general, the enforcement of the duties of reason and conscience is central to both the denunciatio evangelica and Chancery, while neither finds the mere observance of positive law sufficient. Específicamente, el denunciatio evangelica draws on the concept of the obligatio naturalis deriving either from consent—whence the enforcement of the nudum pactum, the promise under oath, and the promise given for the benefit of a third person—or from unjust enrichment, that is, the case where “quis locupletatur cum aliena iactura, quia quod alienum est pervenit ad eum” (233–34). The citation is from Bartolus.

57. Coing himself noted that less than 1 percent of the petitions in the Public Record Office had been printed. His estimate was too generous.


Contenido

The Islamic era began in 622. Islamic armies conquered Arabia, Egypt and Mesopotamia, eventually displacing the Persian and Byzantine Empires from the region. Within a century, Islam had reached the area of present-day Portugal in the west and Central Asia in the east. The Islamic Golden Age (roughly between 786 and 1258) spanned the period of the Abbasid Caliphate (750–1258), with stable political structures and flourishing trade. Major religious and cultural works of the Islamic empire were translated into Arabic and occasionally Persian. Islamic culture inherited Greek, Indic, Assyrian and Persian influences. A new common civilisation formed, based on Islam. An era of high culture and innovation ensued, with rapid growth in population and cities. The Arab Agricultural Revolution in the countryside brought more crops and improved agricultural technology, especially irrigation. This supported the larger population and enabled culture to flourish. [1] [2] From the 9th century onwards, scholars such as Al-Kindi [3] translated Indian, Assyrian, Sasanian (Persian) and Greek knowledge, including the works of Aristotle, into Arabic. These translations supported advances by scientists across the Islamic world. [4]

Islamic science survived the initial Christian reconquest of Spain, including the fall of Seville in 1248, as work continued in the eastern centres (such as in Persia). After the completion of the Spanish reconquest in 1492, the Islamic world went into an economic and cultural decline. [2] The Abbasid caliphate was followed by the Ottoman Empire (c. 1299–1922), centred in Turkey, and the Safavid Empire (1501–1736), centred in Persia, where work in the arts and sciences continued. [5]

Medieval Islamic scientific achievements encompassed a wide range of subject areas, especially mathematics, astronomy, and medicine. [4] Other subjects of scientific inquiry included physics, alchemy and chemistry, ophthalmology, and geography and cartography. [6]

Alchemy and chemistry Edit

The early Islamic period saw the establishment of theoretical frameworks in alchemy and chemistry. The sulfur-mercury theory of metals, first found in pseudo-Apollonius of Tyana's Sirr al-khalīqa ("The Secret of Creation", c. 750–850) and in the writings attributed to Jabir ibn Hayyan (written c. 850–950), [7] remained the basis of theories of metallic composition until the 18th century. [8] El Emerald Tablet, a cryptic text that all later alchemists up to and including Isaac Newton saw as the foundation of their art, first occurs in the Sirr al-khalīqa and in one of the works attributed to Jabir. [9] In practical chemistry, the works of Jabir, and those of the Persian alchemist and physician Abu Bakr al-Razi (854–925), contain the earliest systematic classifications of chemical substances. [10] Alchemists were also interested in artificially creating such substances. [11] Jabir describes the synthesis of ammonium chloride (sal ammoniac) from organic substances, [12] and Abu Bakr al-Razi experimented with the heating of ammonium chloride, vitriol, and other salts, which would eventually lead to the discovery of the mineral acids by 13th-century Latin alchemists such as pseudo-Geber. [10]

Astronomy and cosmology Edit

Astronomy became a major discipline within Islamic science. Astronomers devoted effort both towards understanding the nature of the cosmos and to practical purposes. One application involved determining the Qibla, the direction to face during prayer. Another was astrology, predicting events affecting human life and selecting suitable times for actions such as going to war or founding a city. [13] Al-Battani (850–922) accurately determined the length of the solar year. He contributed to the Tables of Toledo, used by astronomers to predict the movements of the sun, moon and planets across the sky. Copernicus (1473-1543) later used some of Al-Battani's astronomic tables. [14]

Al-Zarqali (1028–1087) developed a more accurate astrolabe, used for centuries afterwards. He constructed a water clock in Toledo, discovered that the Sun's apogee moves slowly relative to the fixed stars, and obtained a good estimate of its motion [15] for its rate of change. [16] Nasir al-Din al-Tusi (1201–1274) wrote an important revision to Ptolemy's 2nd-century celestial model. When Tusi became Helagu's astrologer, he was given an observatory and gained access to Chinese techniques and observations. He developed trigonometry as a separate field, and compiled the most accurate astronomical tables available up to that time. [17]

Botany and agronomy Edit

The study of the natural world extended to a detailed examination of plants. The work done proved directly useful in the unprecedented growth of pharmacology across the Islamic world. [18] Al-Dinawari (815–896) popularised botany in the Islamic world with his six-volume Kitab al-Nabat (Book of Plants). Only volumes 3 and 5 have survived, with part of volume 6 reconstructed from quoted passages. The surviving text describes 637 plants in alphabetical order from the letters sin para ya, so the whole book must have covered several thousand kinds of plants. Al-Dinawari described the phases of plant growth and the production of flowers and fruit. The thirteenth century encyclopedia compiled by Zakariya al-Qazwini (1203–1283) – ʿAjā'ib al-makhlūqāt (The Wonders of Creation) – contained, among many other topics, both realistic botany and fantastic accounts. For example, he described trees which grew birds on their twigs in place of leaves, but which could only be found in the far-distant British Isles. [19] [18] [20] The use and cultivation of plants was documented in the 11th century by Muhammad bin Ibrāhīm Ibn Bassāl of Toledo in his book Dīwān al-filāha (The Court of Agriculture), and by Ibn al-'Awwam al-Ishbīlī (also called Abū l-Khayr al-Ishbīlī) of Seville in his 12th century book Kitāb al-Filāha (Treatise on Agriculture). Ibn Bassāl had travelled widely across the Islamic world, returning with a detailed knowledge of agronomy that fed into the Arab Agricultural Revolution. His practical and systematic book describes over 180 plants and how to propagate and care for them. It covered leaf- and root-vegetables, herbs, spices and trees. [21]

Geography and cartography Edit

The spread of Islam across Western Asia and North Africa encouraged an unprecedented growth in trade and travel by land and sea as far away as Southeast Asia, China, much of Africa, Scandinavia and even Iceland. Geographers worked to compile increasingly accurate maps of the known world, starting from many existing but fragmentary sources. [22] Abu Zayd al-Balkhi (850–934), founder of the Balkhī school of cartography in Baghdad, wrote an atlas called Figures of the Regions (Suwar al-aqalim). [23] Al-Biruni (973–1048) measured the radius of the earth using a new method. It involved observing the height of a mountain at Nandana (now in Pakistan). [24] Al-Idrisi (1100–1166) drew a map of the world for Roger, the Norman King of Sicily (ruled 1105-1154). He also wrote the Tabula Rogeriana (Book of Roger), a geographic study of the peoples, climates, resources and industries of the whole of the world known at that time. [25] The Ottoman admiral Piri Reis (c. 1470–1553) made a map of the New World and West Africa in 1513. He made use of maps from Greece, Portugal, Muslim sources, and perhaps one made by Christopher Columbus. He represented a part of a major tradition of Ottoman cartography. [26]

Modern copy of al-Idrisi's 1154 Tabula Rogeriana, upside-down, north at top

Mathematics Edit

Islamic mathematicians gathered, organised and clarified the mathematics they inherited from ancient Egypt, Greece, India, Mesopotamia and Persia, and went on to make innovations of their own. Islamic mathematics covered algebra, geometry and arithmetic. Algebra was mainly used for recreation: it had few practical applications at that time. Geometry was studied at different levels. Some texts contain practical geometrical rules for surveying and for measuring figures. Theoretical geometry was a necessary prerequisite for understanding astronomy and optics, and it required years of concentrated work. Early in the Abbasid caliphate (founded 750), soon after the foundation of Baghdad in 762, some mathematical knowledge was assimilated by al-Mansur's group of scientists from the pre-Islamic Persian tradition in astronomy. Astronomers from India were invited to the court of the caliph in the late eighth century they explained the rudimentary trigonometrical techniques used in Indian astronomy. Ancient Greek works such as Ptolemy's Almagesto and Euclid's Elements were translated into Arabic. By the second half of the ninth century, Islamic mathematicians were already making contributions to the most sophisticated parts of Greek geometry. Islamic mathematics reached its apogee in the Eastern part of the Islamic world between the tenth and twelfth centuries. Most medieval Islamic mathematicians wrote in Arabic, others in Persian. [27] [28] [29]

Al-Khwarizmi (8th–9th centuries) was instrumental in the adoption of the Hindu-Arabic numeral system and the development of algebra, introduced methods of simplifying equations, and used Euclidean geometry in his proofs. [30] [31] He was the first to treat algebra as an independent discipline in its own right, [32] and presented the first systematic solution of linear and quadratic equations. [33] : 14 Ibn Ishaq al-Kindi (801–873) worked on cryptography for the Abbasid Caliphate, [34] and gave the first known recorded explanation of cryptanalysis and the first description of the method of frequency analysis. [35] [36] Avicenna (c. 980–1037) contributed to mathematical techniques such as casting out nines. [37] Thābit ibn Qurra (835–901) calculated the solution to a chessboard problem involving an exponential series. [38] Al-Farabi (c. 870–950) attempted to describe, geometrically, the repeating patterns popular in Islamic decorative motifs in his book Spiritual Crafts and Natural Secrets in the Details of Geometrical Figures. [39] Omar Khayyam (1048–1131), known in the West as a poet, calculated the length of the year to within 5 decimal places, and found geometric solutions to all 13 forms of cubic equations, developing some quadratic equations still in use. [40] Jamshīd al-Kāshī (c. 1380–1429) is credited with several theorems of trigonometry, including the law of cosines, also known as Al-Kashi's Theorem. He has been credited with the invention of decimal fractions, and with a method like Horner's to calculate roots. He calculated π correctly to 17 significant figures. [41]

Sometime around the seventh century, Islamic scholars adopted the Hindu-Arabic numeral system, describing their use in a standard type of text fī l-ḥisāb al hindī, (On the numbers of the Indians). A distinctive Western Arabic variant of the Eastern Arabic numerals began to emerge around the 10th century in the Maghreb and Al-Andalus (sometimes called ghubar numerals, though the term is not always accepted), which are the direct ancestor of the modern Arabic numerals used throughout the world. [42]

Medicine Edit

Islamic society paid careful attention to medicine, following a hadiz enjoining the preservation of good health. Its physicians inherited knowledge and traditional medical beliefs from the civilisations of classical Greece, Rome, Syria, Persia and India. These included the writings of Hippocrates such as on the theory of the four humours, and the theories of Galen. [43] al-Razi (c. 854–925/935) identified smallpox and measles, and recognized fever as a part of the body's defenses. He wrote a 23-volume compendium of Chinese, Indian, Persian, Syriac and Greek medicine. al-Razi questioned the classical Greek medical theory of how the four humours regulate life processes. He challenged Galen's work on several fronts, including the treatment of bloodletting, arguing that it was effective. [44] al-Zahrawi (936–1013) was a surgeon whose most important surviving work is referred to as al-Tasrif (Medical Knowledge). It is a 30-volume set mainly discussing medical symptoms, treatments, and pharmacology. The last volume, on surgery, describes surgical instruments, supplies, and pioneering procedures. [45] Avicenna (c. 980–1037) wrote the major medical textbook, The Canon of Medicine. [37] Ibn al-Nafis (1213–1288) wrote an influential book on medicine it largely replaced Avicenna's Canon in the Islamic world. He wrote commentaries on Galen and on Avicenna's works. One of these commentaries, discovered in 1924, described the circulation of blood through the lungs. [46] [47]

Optics and ophthalmology Edit

Optics developed rapidly in this period. By the ninth century, there were works on physiological, geometrical and physical optics. Topics covered included mirror reflection. Hunayn ibn Ishaq (809–873) wrote the book Ten Treatises on the Eye this remained influential in the West until the 17th century. [50] Abbas ibn Firnas (810–887) developed lenses for magnification and the improvement of vision. [51] Ibn Sahl (c. 940–1000) discovered the law of refraction known as Snell's law. He used the law to produce the first Aspheric lenses that focused light without geometric aberrations. [52] [53]

In the eleventh century Ibn al-Haytham (Alhazen, 965–1040) rejected the Greek ideas about vision, whether the Aristotelian tradition that held that the form of the perceived object entered the eye (but not its matter), or that of Euclid and Ptolemy which held that the eye emitted a ray. Al-Haytham proposed in his Libro de Óptica that vision occurs by way of light rays forming a cone with its vertex at the center of the eye. He suggested that light was reflected from different surfaces in different directions, thus causing objects to look different. [54] [55] [56] [57] He argued further that the mathematics of reflection and refraction needed to be consistent with the anatomy of the eye. [58] He was also an early proponent of the scientific method, the concept that a hypothesis must be proved by experiments based on confirmable procedures or mathematical evidence, five centuries before Renaissance scientists. [59] [60] [61] [62] [63] [64]

Pharmacology Edit

Advances in botany and chemistry in the Islamic world encouraged developments in pharmacology. Muhammad ibn Zakarīya Rāzi (Rhazes) (865–915) promoted the medical uses of chemical compounds. Abu al-Qasim al-Zahrawi (Abulcasis) (936–1013) pioneered the preparation of medicines by sublimation and distillation. Su Liber servitoris provides instructions for preparing "simples" from which were compounded the complex drugs then used. Sabur Ibn Sahl (died 869) was the first physician to describe a large variety of drugs and remedies for ailments. Al-Muwaffaq, in the 10th century, wrote The foundations of the true properties of Remedies, describing chemicals such as arsenious oxide and silicic acid. He distinguished between sodium carbonate and potassium carbonate, and drew attention to the poisonous nature of copper compounds, especially copper vitriol, and also of lead compounds. Al-Biruni (973–1050) wrote the Kitab al-Saydalah (The Book of Drugs), describing in detail the properties of drugs, the role of pharmacy and the duties of the pharmacist. Ibn Sina (Avicenna) described 700 preparations, their properties, their mode of action and their indications. He devoted a whole volume to simples in The Canon of Medicine. Works by Masawaih al-Mardini (c. 925–1015) and by Ibn al-Wafid (1008–1074) were printed in Latin more than fifty times, appearing as De Medicinis universalibus et particularibus by Mesue the Younger (died 1015) and as the Medicamentis simplicibus by Abenguefit (c. 997 – 1074) respectively. Peter of Abano (1250–1316) translated and added a supplement to the work of al-Mardini under the title De Veneris. Ibn al-Baytar (1197–1248), in his Al-Jami fi al-Tibb, described a thousand simples and drugs based directly on Mediterranean plants collected along the entire coast between Syria and Spain, for the first time exceeding the coverage provided by Dioscorides in classical times. [65] [18] Islamic physicians such as Ibn Sina described clinical trials for determining the efficacy of medical drugs and substances. [66]

Physics Edit

The fields of physics studied in this period, apart from optics and astronomy which are described separately, are aspects of mechanics: statics, dynamics, kinematics and motion. In the sixth century John Philoponus (c. 490 – c. 570) rejected the Aristotelian view of motion. He argued instead that an object acquires an inclination to move when it has a motive power impressed on it. In the eleventh century Ibn Sina adopted roughly the same idea, namely that a moving object has force which is dissipated by external agents like air resistance. [67] Ibn Sina distinguished between "force" and "inclination" (mayl) he claimed that an object gained mayl when the object is in opposition to its natural motion. He concluded that continuation of motion depends on the inclination that is transferred to the object, and that the object remains in motion until the mayl is spent. He also claimed that a projectile in a vacuum would not stop unless it is acted upon. That view accords with Newton's first law of motion, on inertia. [68] As a non-Aristotelian suggestion, it was essentially abandoned until it was described as "impetus" by Jean Buridan (c. 1295–1363), who was influenced by Ibn Sina's Book of Healing. [67]

En el Shadows, Abū Rayḥān al-Bīrūnī (973–1048) describes non-uniform motion as the result of acceleration. [69] Ibn-Sina's theory of mayl tried to relate the velocity and weight of a moving object, a precursor of the concept of momentum. [70] Aristotle's theory of motion stated that a constant force produces a uniform motion Abu'l-Barakāt al-Baghdādī (c. 1080 – 1164/5) disagreed, arguing that velocity and acceleration are two different things, and that force is proportional to acceleration, not to velocity. [71]

Zoology Edit

Many classical works, including those of Aristotle, were transmitted from Greek to Syriac, then to Arabic, then to Latin in the Middle Ages. Aristotle's zoology remained dominant in its field for two thousand years. [76] The Kitāb al-Hayawān (كتاب الحيوان, English: Book of Animals) is a 9th-century Arabic translation of History of Animals: 1–10, On the Parts of Animals: 11–14, [77] and Generation of Animals: 15–19. [78] [79]

The book was mentioned by Al-Kindī (died 850), and commented on by Avicenna (Ibn Sīnā) in his The Book of Healing. Avempace (Ibn Bājja) and Averroes (Ibn Rushd) commented on and criticised On the Parts of Animals y Generation of Animals. [80]

Historians of science differ in their views of the significance of the scientific accomplishments in the medieval Islamic world. The traditionalist view, exemplified by Bertrand Russell, [81] holds that Islamic science, while admirable in many technical ways, lacked the intellectual energy required for innovation and was chiefly important for preserving ancient knowledge, and handing it on to medieval Europe. The revisionist view, exemplified by Abdus Salam, [82] George Saliba and John M. Hobson hold that a Muslim scientific revolution occurred during the Middle Ages. [83] [84] [ aclaración necesaria ] Scholars such as Donald Routledge Hill and Ahmad Y. Hassan argue that Islam was the driving force behind these scientific achievements. [85]

According to Ahmed Dallal, science in medieval Islam was "practiced on a scale unprecedented in earlier human history or even contemporary human history". [86] Toby Huff takes the view that, although science in the Islamic world did produce localized innovations, it did not lead to a scientific revolution, which in his view required an ethos that existed in Europe in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, but not elsewhere in the world. [87] [88] [89] Will Durant, Fielding H. Garrison, Hossein Nasr and Bernard Lewis held that Muslim scientists helped in laying the foundations for an experimental science with their contributions to the scientific method and their empirical, experimental and quantitative approach to scientific inquiry. [90] [91] [92] [93]

James E. McClellan III and Harold Dorn, reviewing the place of Islamic science in world history, comment that the positive achievement of Islamic science was simply to flourish, for centuries, in a wide range of institutions from observatories to libraries, madrasas to hospitals and courts, both at the height of the Islamic golden age and for some centuries afterwards. It plainly did not lead to a scientific revolution like that in Early modern Europe, but in their view, any such external comparison is just an attempt to impose "chronologically and culturally alien standards" on a successful medieval culture. [2]


Acknowledgments

The contents of this volume are extensively revised and expanded versions of research papers originally presented at a workshop convened at the Camargo Foundation in Cassis, France, in June 2017. We wish to express our gratitude to the Camargo Foundation, and especially Julie Chénot and Cécile Descloux, for hosting us so graciously in such a beautiful venue, and to Eliza Zingesser and Elisabeth Ladenson for facilitating the publication of these essays as a special issue of Romanic Review. We also wish to acknowledge the participation of William Burgwinkle and Peggy McCracken, who attended the workshop but were unable to contribute to this volume.


The Penguin Historical Atlas of the Medieval World

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